Buddhism in Cambodia is currently a form of
Theravada Buddhism. Buddhism has existed in Cambodia since at least the 5th century, and in its earlier form was a type of
Mahāyāna Buddhism. Theravada Buddhism has been the Cambodian state religion since the 13th century (except during the
Khmer Rouge period), and is currently estimated to be the faith of 95% of the population.
[1][2]
The history of Buddhism in
Cambodia
spans a number of successive kingdoms and empires. Buddhism entered
Cambodia through two different streams. The earliest forms of Buddhism,
along with Hindu influences, entered the
Funan
kingdom with Hindu merchants. In later history, a second stream of
Buddhism entered Khmer culture during the Angkor empire when Cambodia
absorbed the various Buddhist traditions of the
Mon kingdoms of
Dvaravati and
Haripunchai.
For the first thousand years of Khmer history, Cambodia was ruled by a
series of Hindu kings with an occasional Buddhist king, such as
Jayavarman I of
Funan,
Jayavarman VII, who became a mahayanist, and
Suryavarman I.
A variety of Buddhist traditions co-existed peacefully throughout
Cambodian lands, under the tolerant auspices of Hindu kings and the
neighboring Mon-Theravada kingdoms.
Possible early missions
Unconfirmed Singhalese sources assert that missionaries of
King Ashoka
introduced Buddhism into Southeast Asia in the 3rd century BC. Various
Buddhist sects competed with Brahamanism and indigenous animistic
religions over approximately the next millennium; during this period,
Indian culture was highly influential.
[3]
Funan
The
Funan Kingdom that flourished between 100 BC and 500 AD was
Hindu, with the kings of Funan sponsoring the worship of
Vishnu and
Shiva. Buddhism was already present in Funan as a secondary religion in this era.
[4] Buddhism began to assert its presence from about year 450 onward, and was observed by the Chinese traveler
Yijing toward the close of the seventh century.
Two Buddhist monks from Funan, named Mandrasena and Saṃghabara, took
up residency in China in the 5th to 6th centuries, and translated
several Buddhist sūtras from
Sanskrit into
Chinese.
[5] Among these texts is the Mahāyāna
Mahāprajñāpāramitā Mañjuśrīparivarta Sūtra.
[6] This text was separately translated by both monks.
[5] The
bodhisattva Mañjuśrī is a prominent figure in this text.
Chenla
The
Kingdom of Chenla replaced Funan and endured from 500-700. Buddhism was
weakened in the Chenla period, but survived, as seen in the inscriptions
of Sambor Prei Kuk (626) and those of Siem Reap dealing with the
erection of statues of
Avalokiteśvara (791). Some pre-Angkorean statuary in the Mekong Delta region indicate the existence of Sanskrit-based
Sarvāstivāda Buddhism.
[citation needed]
Khmer-style Buddha images are abundant from the period of 600-800. Many
Mahāyāna bodhisattva images also date from this period, often found
alongside the predominantly Hindu images of Shiva and Vishnu. An
inscription from Ta Prohm temple in Siem Reap province, dated about 625,
states, that the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha are flourishing.
[7][dubious – discuss]
Angkor
The transition from
Hindu god-king to Mahayana bodhisattva-king was probably gradual and imperceptible. The prevailing
Vaishnavite and
Shaivite faith traditions gave way to the worship of the
Gautama Buddha and the
Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara.
The Buddhist
Sailendra
kingdom exercised suzerainty over Cambodia as a vassal state during the
end of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth centuries. King
Jayavarman II (802-869), the first real Khmer king of the
Angkor Empire, proclaimed himself
Hindu god-king and identified himself with
Shiva. Nevertheless, he was increasingly friendly to and supportive of Mahayana Buddhist influence throughout his kingdom.
[8]
Mahayana Buddhism became increasingly established in his empire. The
form of Mahayana Buddhism that was propagated in the Srivijaya lands was
similar to the
Pala Dynasty Buddhism of Bengal, and of the
Nalanda University in northern India.
The Bengal University of Nalanda in Megadha (now Behar) was the
theological center of Mahayana Buddhism under the protection of the Pala
Dynasty [750-1060]. Shivaist interpretations of Buddhism, tinged with
Tantric mysticism (that may have revived portions of pre-Aryan
northeastern Indian faith traditions) were worked out in Megadha and
then were exported throughout insular and peninsular Southeast Asia,
particularly to Java. Yashovarman I (889-910), who ruled from the
vicinity of Rolous in the late ninth century, seems to have been a Shivite Buddhist influenced by Nalanda syncretism. His successors (notably Jayavarman IV) dedicated themselves to Hindu trinity
such as Vishnu and Brahma, as well as to Shiva, with whom they
continued to be identified by hereditary families of priests.
Rajendravarman II studied Buddhism intensely.[7]
The Sailendra dynasty also built the fantastic Mahayana Buddhist temple
Borobudur
(750-850) in Java. Borobudur appears to have been the inspiration for
the later fabulous Angkor building projects in Cambodia, particularly
Angkor Wat and
Angkor Thom.
[citation needed]
The primary form of Buddhism practiced in Cambodia during Angkor
times was Mahayana Buddhism, strongly influenced with Tantric
tendencies.
The prevalence of Tantrayana in Java, Sumatra and Kamboja [Cambodia],
a fact now definitely established by modern researches into the
character of Mahayana Buddhism and Saivism in these parts of the Indian
Orient. Already in Kamboja inscription of the 9th century there is
definite evidence of the teaching of Tantric texts at the court of
Jayavarman II. In a Kamboja record of the 11th century there is a
reference to the 'Tantras of the Paramis'; and images of Hevajra,
definitely a tantric divinity, have been recovered from amidst the ruins
of Angkor Thom. A number of Kamboja inscriptions refer to several kings
who were initiated into the Great Secret (Vrah Guhya) by their Hindu Brahmin gurus; the Saiva records make obvious records to Tantric doctrines that had crept into Saivism.[8]
But it was in Java and Sumatra that Tantrayana seems to have attained greater importance. There Mahayana Buddhism and Shaivism,
both deeply imbued with tantric influences, are to be seen often
blending with one another during this period. The Sang Hyang
Kamahayanikan, consisting of Sanskrit versus explained by an Old
Javanese commentary, professed to teach the Mahayana and Mantrayana.[8]
The presence and growing influence of Buddhism continued as the
Angkor empire increased in power. King Yosavarman built many Buddhist
temples in 887-889, representing the mandala of
Mount Meru,
the mythical axis of the world. The largest of these temples is Phnom
Kandal or "Central Mountain" which lies near the heart of the Angkor
complex.
King Rajendravarman II (944-968) "studied Buddhism intensely.
Although he decided to remain a Shivaist, he appointed a Buddhist,
Kavindrarimathana, chief minister. Kavindrarimathana built shrines to
Buddha and Shiva. Jayavarman V (son of Rajendravarman) also remained a
devote of Shiva. He, too, permitted his own chief minister,
Kirtipandita, to foster Mahayana Buddhist learning and divination."
[8]
Suryavarman I
Suryavarman I (1006–1050)
[9]is considered the greatest of the Buddhist kings, with the exception of Jayavarman VII.
The origins of Suryavarman I are unclear but evidence point that he
began his career in northeastern Cambodia. He came to the throne after a
period of disputes between rival claims to the Khmer throne. However,
the term "usurper" is not appropriate when speaking in the Khmer context
of royal succession as the Khmer throne did not exclusively include
paternal lines but also recognized and even valued more to an extend the
royal maternal line.
[10]
A strong proponent of Mahayana Buddhism, he did not interfere or
obstruct the growing presence and dissemination of Theravada Buddhism
during his reign.
Indeed, inscriptions indicate he sought wisdom from wise Mahayanists
and Hinayanists and at least somewhat disestablished the Sivakaivalya
family's hereditary claims to being chief priests (purohitar).
Surayvarman's posthumous title of Nirvanapada, 'the king who has gone to
Nirvana' is the strongest evidence that he was a Buddhist."[8]
Jayavarman VII
Under Jayavarman VII, Buddhism was the state religion.
Jayavarman VII (1181–1215), the most significant Khmer Buddhist king, worked tirelessly to establish as the state religion of Angkor.
[citation needed]Jayavarman
VII was a Mahayana Buddhist, and he regarded himself to be a
Dharma-king, a bodhisattva, whose duty was to "save the people" through
service and merit-making, liberating himself in the process. Jayavarman
withdrew his devotion from the old gods and began to identify more
openly with Buddhist traditions. His regime marked a clear dividing line
with the old Hindu past. Before 1200, art in the temples mostly
portrayed scenes from the Hindu pantheon; after 1200, Buddhist scenes
began to appear as standard motifs.
During Jayavarman VII's reign, there was a shift away from the concept of devaraja god-king, toward the concept of the
Sangha,
the concept of monks. In former times, great effort and resources were
invested into building temples for elite brahman priests and god-kings.
Under Jayavarman, these resources were redirected to building libraries,
monastic dwellings, public works, and more "earthly" projects
accessible to the common people.
While Jayavarman VII himself was Mahayana Buddhist, the presence of Theravada Buddhism was increasingly evident.
This Singhalese-based Theravada Buddhist orthodoxy was first
propagated in Southeast Asia by Taling (Mon) monks in the 11th century
and together with Islam in the 13th century in southern insular reaches
of the region, spread as a popularly-based movement among the people.
Apart from inscriptions, such as one of Lopburi, there were other signs
that the religious venue of Suvannabhumi were changing. Tamalinda, the
Khmer monk believed to be the son of Jayavarman VII, took part in an
1180 Burmese-led mission to Sri Lanka to study the Pali canon and on his
return in 1190 had adepts of the Sinhala doctrine in his court. Chou
Ta-Laun, who led a Chinese mission into Angkor in 1296-97 confirms the
significant presence of Pali Theravada monks in the Khmer Capital."[4]
Decline of Angkor and the emergence of a Theravada kingdom
After the 13th century Theravada Buddhism became the state religion of Cambodia.
King Jayavarman VII had sent his son Tamalinda to
Sri Lanka to be ordained as a Buddhist monk and study Theravada Buddhism according to the
Pali
scriptural traditions. Tamalinda then returned to Cambodia and promoted
Buddhist traditions according to the Theravada training he had
received, galvanizing and energizing the long-standing Theravada
presence that had existed throughout the Angkor empire for centuries.
During the time Tamalinda studied at the famous
Mahavihara
Monastery in Sri Lanka (1180–1190), a new dynamic type of Theravada
Buddhism was being preached as the "true faith" in Sri Lanka. This form
of Buddhism was somewhat militant and highly disciplined in reaction to
the wars with the Tamil that nearly destroyed Buddhism in Sri Lanka in
the 9th and 10th centuries. As Theravada Buddhism struggled for survival
in Sri Lanka, it developed a resiliency that generated a renaissance
throughout the Buddhist world, and would eventually spread across Burma,
Chang Mai, the Mon kingdoms, Lana, Sukothai, Laos, and Cambodia.
[11]
In the 13th century, wandering missionaries from the
Mon-Khmer-speaking parts of Siam, Burma, Cambodia, and Sri Lanka played
an important part in this process.
When Prince Tamalinda returned after ten years of ordination, he was a
Thera, a senior monk, capable of administering ordination into this
vigorous Theravada lineage, which insisted on orthodoxy and rejected
Mahayana "innovations" such as tantric practices.
Buddhist nun.
Bayon Temple, Angkor Wat, Siem Reap, Cambodia (January 2005).
The mass conversion of Khmer society to Theravada Buddhism amounted to a
nonviolent revolution
every all level of society. Scholars struggle to account for this
sudden and inexplicable transformation of Khmer civilization. Theravada
Buddhism succeeded because it was inclusive and universal in its
outreach, recruiting the disciples and monks from not only the elites
and court, but also in the villages and among the peasants, enhancing
its popularity among the Khmer folk.
[11]
The post-Angkor period saw the dramatic rise of the Pali Theravada
tradition in Southeast Asia and concomitant decline of the Brahmanic and
Mahayana Buddhist religious traditions. A 1423 Thai account of a
mission to Sri Lanka mentions eight Khmer monks who again brought
orthodox Mahavihara sect of Singhalese order to Kampuchea. This
particular event belied, however, the profound societal shift that was
taking place from priestly class structure to a village-based monastic
system in Theravada lands. While adhering to the monastic discipline,
monks developed their wats, or temple-monasteries, not only into moral
religious but also education, social-service, and cultural centers for
the people. Wats became the main source of learning and popular
education. Early western explorers, settlers, and missionaries reported
widespread literacy among the male populations of Burma, Thailand,
Kampuchea, Laos, and Vietnam. Until the 19th century, literacy rates
exceeded those of Europe in most if not all Theravada lands. In
Kampuchea, Buddhism became the transmitter of Khmer language and
culture.[4]
With the rise of Siam in the west and Vietnam in the east, the
classical Angkor empire disappeared and the beginning of present-day
Cambodia began. Cambodia became from this time forward a Theravada
Buddhist nation.
Buddhist Middle Ages
The
Jinakalamali gives an account of the cultural connections between
Cambodia and Sri Lanka in the fifteenth century. It states that 1967
years after the Mahaparinibbana of the Buddha, eight monks headed by
Mahananasiddhi from Cambodia with 25 monks from Nabbispura in Thailand
came to Sri Lanka to receive the umpasampada ordination at the hands of
the Sinhalese Mahatheras.
As Angkor collapsed under the advancing jungles, the center of power of the Theravada Cambodia moved south toward present day
Phnom Penh. Phnom Penh was originally a small riverside market center where the Mekong River and the Tonle Sap River converge.
Phnom Penh was founded when Lady Penh found a "four-faced Buddha"
floating down the river on a Koki tree during the flooding season. She
retrieved the Buddha image and had the Wat Phnom constructed to house
the image. The four-faced Buddha [Buddha facing the four directions] is
important in Khmer Buddhist iconography, signifying the establishment of
the kingdom of the Buddha of the Future,
Maitreya,
who is often identified with the Buddha-king of Cambodia. The type of
Buddhism practiced in medieval Cambodia has been widely studied by
professor
François Bizot and his colleagues at the
École française d'Extrême-Orient. They have identified
tantric and
esoteric elements in this tradition and thus call it "
Tantric Theravada".
After 1431 when the Cambodian kings permanently abandoned Angkor due
to a Siamese invasion, the royal court was located on Udon Mountain, a
few miles north of Phnom Penh. Siamese incursions from the west and
Vietnamese invasions from the east weakened the Khmer empire. The
Vietnamese invaders attempted to suppress Theravada Buddhism and force
the Khmer people to practice Mahayana Buddhism. The Siamese, on the
other hand, would periodically invade Cambodia and attempt to drive out
the "unbelievers" in an attempt to protect the Theravada religion. This
power-struggle between the two ascendant powers continued until the
arrival of the Europeans in the 16th century.
Colonial era
Buddhism
continued to flourish in Cambodia in the sixteenth century. King Ang
Chan (1516–1566), a relative of King Dhammaraja, was a devout Buddhist.
He built pagodas in his capital and many Buddhist shrines in different
parts of Cambodia. In order to popularize Buddhism, King Satha
(1576-1549), son and successor of King Barom Reachea, restored the great
towers of the Angkor Wat, which had become a Buddhist shrine by the
sixteenth century.
Each successive wave of European influence was accompanied by
Catholic missionaries, but Theravada Buddhism proved surprisingly
resistant to foreign attempts to convert the Khmer people. During the
colonial period, the peace was periodically breached by outbreaks of
religiously motivated violence, including periodic millenarian revolts.
During the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries,
Thailand's involvement in Cambodian politics extended Thai influence
into religious matters as well. On King
Norodom's invitation, monks from the Thai
Dhammayuttika Nikaya established a Dhammayuttika presence in Cambodia.
[12]
The newly formed Thommayut order benefited from royal patronage, but
frequently came into conflict with the existing Mohanikay (
Maha Nikaya) lineage.
[12] The Thommayut were sometimes accused of holding loyalty to the Thai court, rather than to the Khmer nation.
[13]
During the era of French rule, convulsions of violence, led by
Buddhist holy men, would periodically break out against the French.
Significant advances were made in the education of Cambodian monks, both
in specifically Buddhist topics and more general studies.
[14]
Primary education of Cambodian children continued to take place at
temple schools. Monks were also encouraged to become involved in
community development projects.
[14]
Khmer Rouge era
In
1975 when the communist Khmer Rouge took control of Cambodia, they
tried to completely destroy Buddhism and very nearly succeeded. By the
time of the Vietnamese invasion in 1979, nearly every monk and religious
intellectual had been either murdered or driven into exile, and nearly
every temple and Buddhist temple and library had been destroyed.
The Khmer Rouge policies towards Buddhism- which included the
forcible disrobing of monks, the destruction of monasteries, and,
ultimately, the execution of uncooperative monks effectively destroyed
Cambodia's Buddhist institutions.
[15]
Monks who did not flee and avoided execution lived among the laity,
sometimes secretly performing Buddhist rituals for the sick or
afflicted.
[15]
Estimates vary regarding the number of monks in Cambodia prior to the
ascension of the Khmer Rouge, ranging between 65,000 and 80,000.
[16]
By the time of the Buddhist restoration in the early 1980s, the number
of Cambodian monks worldwide was estimated to be less than 3,000.
[17] The patriarchs of both Cambodian
nikayas perished sometime during the period 1975-78, though the cause of their deaths is not known.
[16]
Due to their association with the Thai monarchy, monks of the
Thommayut order may have been particularly targeted for persecution.
[18]
Post-Khmer Rouge era
Following
the defeat of the Khmer Rouge by forces of the Vietnamese government,
Buddhism initially remained officially suppressed within Cambodia.
[15] Following challenges to the legitimacy of the Vietnamese-backed
People's Republic of Kampuchea, policies towards Buddhism began to liberalize starting in the summer of 1979.
[19] A group of monks who had been exiled and re-ordained in Vietnam during the Khmer Rouge period were sent to Cambodia,
[20] and in 1981 one of their number, Venerable Tep Vong, was elected the first
sangharaja of a new unified Cambodia sangha, officially abolishing the division between the Thommayut order and the Mohanikay.
[19] The ordination of new monks was sponsored by the government as a public show of piety and lifted restrictions on ordination.
[17]
Following the withdrawal of the Vietnamese military, the newly renamed
Cambodian People's Party
sought to align itself with the Buddhist sangha, declaring Buddhism to
be Cambodia's 'state religion' in a 1991 policy statement
[21] In 1991, King
Sihanouk returned from exile and appointed a new
sangharaja
for each of the Thommayut and Mohanikay orders, effectively marking the
end of the unified system created under Vietnamese rule in 1981.
[22]
The Cambodian sangha
Since
1855, the Buddhist monastic community in Cambodia has been split into
two divisions, excepting a brief period of unification between 1981 and
1991: the
Maha Nikaya and the
Dhammayuttika Nikaya.
The Maha Nikaya is by far the larger of the two monastic fraternities,
claiming the allegiance of a large majority of Cambodian monks. The
Dhammayuttika Nikaya, despite royal patronage, remains a small minority,
isolated somewhat by its strict discipline and connection with
Thailand.
The Maha Nikaya monastic hierarchy- headed by the
sanghreach (sangharaja)- has been closely connected with the Cambodian government since its re-establishment in the early 1980s
[23]
High-ranking officials of the Maha Nikaya have often spoken out against
criticism of the government and in favor of government policies,
including calling for the arrest of monks espousing opposition
positions.
[24]
Officials from the Maha Nikaya hierarchy appoint members to lay
committees to oversee the running of temples, who also act to ensure
that temples do not become organizing points for anti-government
activity by monks or lay supporters
[25] Nevertheless, divisions within the Maha Nikaya fraternity do exist.
Modernists and traditionalists
Adolescent monks in Cambodia
Divisions within the sangha between "modernists" and "traditionalists" were recorded in Cambodia as early as 1918.
[26]
Broadly speaking, "modernists" have attempted to respond to Western
criticism of Buddhist institutions by re-interpreting Buddhist
teachings- particularly those related to philosophy and meditation- in
light of both modern secular knowledge and the textual source of
Theravada teachings- the
Pali Canon.
[26]
"Traditionalist", on the other hand, prefer to stick to the practices
and teachings handed down through the monastic oral tradition, which
have traditionally centered on the performance of merit-making
ceremonies and the attainment of "heightened states" through
concentration meditation.
[26] Traditionalists have tended to reject modern interest in
vipassana
meditation as a foreign affectation, and have focused on the rote
memorization and recitation of Pali passages rather than attempts to
study, translate, and interpret the contents of the Pali
tripitaka.
[27]
For many years,
Maha Ghosananda remained the most visible and recognizable figure of the Maha Nikaya modernists.
[28] Through his
Dhammayatra
program and other attempts to use the influence of the sangha to effect
social change in Cambodian society, Maha Goshananda brought to Cambodia
a form of
Engaged Buddhism not previously seen among Cambodian religious institutions.
[29] This form of modernist, Engaged Buddhism has proved very popular with Western Buddhists and
NGO's, who have lent their support and funding to efforts by Maha Goshananda and other modernist leaders.
[30]
High officials of the Cambodian government, by contrast, have tended
to support the most conservative of the Maha Nikaya monks, particular
the members of a segment known as the
boran, an
ultra-conservative movement that touts the worldly efficacy of the rote
recitation of various Pali and Khmer prayers and discourses.
[31] Monks in the
boran
movement do not typically possess a significant knowledge of Pali,
instead focusing on the rote memorization and recitation of certain
verses and scriptures considered powerful.
[32] Boran
monks maintain that by sponsoring recitations of these verses, lay
supporters can accrue great merit that will result in immediate, worldly
benefits, such as financial or career success.
[27] A large number of senior Cambodian officials (including
Hun Sen) have patronized
boran temples, providing for extensive expansions and rich decoration of the most popular temples.
[33] Boran
monks also teach the efficacy of 'group repentance' rituals, where
through the recitation of Pali texts the karmic fruit of earlier
misdeeds can be avoided or moderated.
[34]
These rituals, which developed from New Years repentance ceremonies,
have become very popular among certain segments of Cambodian society,
and have been conducted by the current Maha Nikaya sangharaja,
Tep Vong.
[34]
The Dhammayuttika order in Cambodia seems to occupy a middle position between the Maha Nikaya modernists and traditionalists.
[35]
Like the Dhammayuttika order in Thailand, they place a higher premium
on scriptural study and knowledge of the Pali language than the monks of
the traditionalist camp. At the same time, they have not embraced the
modernist/Engaged notion of monks as agents of social development,
preferring instead to stick closely to traditional monastic roles of
study, meditation, and providing merit-making opportunities for lay
supporters.
"Young Monks" movement
Another
division in the Cambodian sangha can be seen in what has been called
the "young monks" movement, a small group of politically active monks
(primarily Maha Nikaya) voicing public opposition to the current
government.
[24]
The "young monks" are primarily junior members of the clergy, drawn
from temples in and around Phnom Penh. Unlike the Engaged modernists,
their interest is not in using the authority of the sangha to aide
social development programs, but rather to express direct opposition to
government policies and corruption. Since the 1993 UN-monitored
elections, monks have been permitted to vote in Cambodia (a move opposed
by some senior monks). While this has not resulted in any large-scale
mobilization of the sangha as a political force, it has drawn some young
monks farther into participation in parliamentary politics. Many of
these young monks are associated with opposition figure
Sam Rainsy and his political party, the
SRP.
[36]
Members of the young monks movement have participated in and
organized public demonstrations in Phnom Penh, aimed at drawing
attention to perceived government misdeeds. The Maha Nikaya hierarchy
has condemned this form of political activism, calling for the arrest of
some monks and defrocking others.
[24]
Khmer nationalism and Buddhism
Cambodian
Buddhism was instrumental in fomenting Khmer national identity and the
independence movement in the 20th century, leading to Cambodian
independence as a sovereign state.
[citation needed]
In their attempt to separate the Khmer people from their cultural
allegiance to the neighboring Theravada kingdom of Siam, the French
"protectors" nurtured a sense of Khmer identity by emphasizing
Khmer-language studies and Khmer Buddhist studies. They established Pali
schools within Cambodia to keep the Cambodian monks from traveling to
Siam for higher education. These Khmer-language study centers became the
birthplace of Cambodian nationalism.
Cambodian adaptations
Cambodian Buddhism has no formal administrative ties with other
Buddhist bodies, although Theravada monks from other countries,
especially Thailand, Laos, Myanmar, and Sri Lanka, may participate in
religious ceremonies in order to make up the requisite number of clergy.
Cambodian Buddhism is organized nationally in accordance with
regulations formulated in 1943 and modified in 1948. During the
monarchical period, the king led the Buddhist clergy. Prince Sihanouk
continued in this role even after he had abdicated and was governing as
head of state. He appointed both the heads of the monastic orders and
other high-ranking clergy. After the overthrow of Sihanouk in 1970, the
new head of state, Lon Nol, appointed these leaders.
[37]
Two monastic orders constituted the clergy in Cambodia. The larger
group, to which more than 90 percent of the clergy belonged, was the
Mohanikay. The Thommayut order was far smaller. The Thommayut was
introduced into the ruling circles of Cambodia from Thailand in 1864; it
gained prestige because of its adoption by royalty and by the
aristocracy, but its adherents were confined geographically to the Phnom
Penh area. Among the few differences between the two orders is stricter
observance by the Thommayut bhikkhus (monks) of the rules governing the
clergy. In 1961 the Mohanikay had more than 52,000 ordained monks in
some 2,700 wats, whereas the Thommayut order had 1,460 monks in just
over 100 wats. In 1967 more than 2,800 Mohanikay wats and 320 Thommayut
wats were in existence in Cambodia. After Phnom Penh, the largest number
of Thommayut wats were found in Batdambang, Stoeng Treng, Prey Veng,
Kampot, and Kampong Thum provinces.
[37]
Each order has its own superior and is organized into a hierarchy of
eleven levels. The seven lower levels are known collectively as the
thananukram; the four higher levels together are called the rajagana.
The Mohanikay order has thirty-five monks in the rajagana; the Thommayut
has twenty-one . Each monk must serve for at least twenty years to be
named to these highest levels.
[37]
The cornerstones of Cambodian Buddhism are the Buddhist bhikkhu and
the wat. Traditionally, each village has a spiritual center—a wat—where
from five to more than seventy bhikkhus reside. A typical wat in rural
Cambodia consists of a walled enclosure containing a sanctuary, several
residences for bhikkhus, a hall, a kitchen, quarters for nuns, and a
pond. The number of monks varies according to the size of the local
population. The sanctuary, which contains an altar with statues of the
Buddha and, in rare cases, a religious relic, is reserved for major
ceremonies and usually only for the use of bhikkhus. Other ceremonies,
classes for monks and for laity, and meals take place in the hall.
Stupas containing the ashes of extended family members are constructed
near the sanctuary. Fruit trees and vegetable gardens tended by local
children are also part of the local wat. The main entrance, usually only
for ceremonial use, faces east; other entrances are located at other
points around the wall. There are no gates.
[37]
Steinberg notes the striking ratio of bhikkhus to the total
population of Cambodia. In the late 1950s, an estimated 100,000 bhikkhus
(including about 40,000 novices) served a population of about 5
million. This high proportion undoubtedly was caused in large part by
the ease with which one could enter and leave the sangha. Becoming a
bhikkhu and leaving the sangha are matters of individual choice
although, in theory, nearly all Cambodian males over sixteen serve terms
as bhikkhus. Most young men do not intend to become fully ordained
bhikkhus (bhikkhu), and they remain as monks for less than a year. Even a
son's temporary ordination as a bhikkhu brings great merit to his
parents, however, and is considered so important that arrangements are
made at a parent's funeral if the son has not undergone the process
while the parent was living. There are two classes of bhikkhus at a
wat—the novices (samani or nen) and the bhikkhu. Ordination is held from
mid-April to mid-July, during the rainy season.
[37]
Buddhist monks do not take perpetual vows to remain monks although
some become monks permanently. Traditionally, they became monks early in
life. It is possible to become a novice at as young an age as seven,
but in practice thirteen is the earliest age for novices. A bhikkhu must
be at least twenty. The monk's life is regulated by Buddhist law, and
life in the wat adheres to a rigid routine. A bhikkhu follows 227 rules
of monastic discipline as well as the 10 basic precepts. These include
the five precepts that all Buddhists should follow. The five precepts
for monastic asceticism prohibit eating after noon, participating in any
entertainment (singing, dancing, and watching movies or television),
using any personal adornments, sleeping on a luxurious bed, and handling
money. In addition, a monk also is expected to be celibate.
Furthermore, monks supposedly avoid all involvement in political
affairs. They are not eligible to vote or to hold any political office,
and they may not witness a legal document or give testimony in court.
Since the person of a monk is considered sacred, he is considered to be
outside the normal civil laws and public duties that affect lay people.
Some of these practices have changed in the modern period, however, and
in the 1980s Buddhist monks have been active even in the PRK government.
[37]
Women are not ordained, but older women, especially widows, can
become nuns. They live in wat and play an important role in the everyday
life of the temple. Nuns shave their heads and eyebrows and generally
follow the same precepts as monks. They may prepare the altars and do
some of the housekeeping chores.
[37]
Role of Buddhism in Cambodian life
Buddha statues are commonly seen in almost every pagoda in Cambodia
Statue of Buddha at
Bayon Temple, Angkor Thom, Cambodia
Buddhist monks traditionally were called upon to perform a number of
functions in Cambodian life. They participated in all formal village
festivals, ceremonies, marriages, and funerals. They also might have
participated in ceremonies to name infants and in other minor ceremonies
or rites of passage. Monks did not lead the ceremonies, however,
because that role was given to the achar, or master of ceremonies; the
monk's major function was to say prayers of blessing. They were often
healers and, in traditional Khmer culture, they were the practitioners
whose role was closest to that of modern psychiatrists.
[citation needed][dubious – discuss]
They might also have been skilled in astrology. The monk traditionally
occupied a unique position in the transmission of Khmer culture and
values. By his way of life, he provided a living model of the most
meritorious behavior a Buddhist could follow. He also provided the laity
with many opportunities for gaining merit. For centuries monks were the
only literate people residing in rural communities; they acted as
teachers to temple servants, to novices, and to newly ordained monks.
Until the 1970s, most literate Cambodian males gained literacy solely
through the instruction of the sangha.
[37]
After independence from France, young Cambodian intellectuals changed
their attitude toward the clergy. In describing a general shift away
from Buddhism in the late 1950s and the early 1960s, Vickery cites the
early work of anthropologist May Mayko Ebihara and his own observations.
He suggests that the Khmer Rouge was able to instill antireligious
feelings in younger males because the latter were losing interest in
becoming monks even during their teenage years, the traditional
temporary period of service. The monks themselves had abandoned some of
their traditional restrictions and had become involved in politics. At
intervals during the colonial period, some monks had demonstrated or had
rebelled against French rule, and in the 1970s monks joined pro-
government demonstrations against the communists. Anticlerical feelings
reached their highest point among the Khmer Rouge, who at first
attempted to indoctrinate monks and to force them to pass anticlerical
ideas on to the laity. Under the Khmer Rouge regime, monks were expelled
forcibly from the wats and were compelled to do manual labor. Article
20 of the 1976 Constitution of
Democratic Kampuchea
permitted freedom of religion but banned all reactionary religions,
that were "detrimental to the country." The minister of culture stated
that Buddhism was incompatible with the revolution and was an instrument
of exploitation. Under this regime, to quote the Finnish Inquiry
Commission, "The practice of religion was forbidden and the pagodas were
systematically destroyed." Observers estimated that 50,000 monks died
during the
Khmer Rouge
regime. The status of Buddhism and of religion in general after the
Vietnamese invasion was at least partially similar to its status in
pre-Khmer Rouge times.
[37]
According to Michael Vickery, who has written positively about the
People's Republic of Kampuchea,
public observance of Buddhism and of Islam was reestablished, and
government policies allowed Cambodians freedom to believe or not to
believe in Buddhism. Vickery cites some differences in this
reestablished Buddhism: Religious affairs were overseen by the PRK's
Kampuchean (or Khmer) United Front for National Construction and Defense (KUFNCD), the mass organization that supported the state by organizing women, youths, workers, and religious groups.
[38]
In 1987 there was only a single Buddhist order because the Thommayut
order had not been revived. The organization of the clergy also had been
simplified. The sangharaja (primate of the Buddhist clergy) had been
replaced by a prathean (chairman). Communities that wanted wats had to
apply to a local front committee for permission. The wat were
administered by a committee of the local laity. Private funds paid for
the restoration of the wats damaged during the war and the Khmer Rouge
era, and they supported the restored wats. Monks were ordained by a
hierarchy that has been reconstituted since an initial ordination in
September 1979 by a delegation from the Buddhist community in Vietnam.
The validity of this ordination continued to be questioned. In general,
there are only two to four monks per wat, which is fewer than before
1975. In 1981 about 4,930 monks served in 740 wats in Cambodia. The
Buddhist General Assembly reported 7,000 monks in 1,821 active wats a
year later. In 1969 by contrast, observers estimated that 53,400 monks
and 40,000 novice monks served in more than 3,000 wats. Vickery sums up
his observations on the subject by noting that, "The government has kept
its promise to allow freedom for traditional Buddhism, but does not
actively encourage it."
[37]
Martin offers another, more pessimistic, view of the religious
situation in the late 1980s. In a 1986 study, she asserts that the PRK
showed outsiders only certain aspects of religious freedom; she also
states that the few wats that were restored had only two or three old
monks in residence and that public attendance was low. The monks were
allowed to leave the wats only for an hour in the mornings, to collect
their food, or during holy days. Lay people who practiced their faith
were about the same ages as the monks, and they were allowed to visit
the wats only in the evenings. A
government circular had also instructed civil servants to stop celebrating the traditional New Year Festival. Some traditional
Buddhist festivals
still were tolerated, but the state collected a 50 percent tax on
donations. Martin believes that Buddhism was threatened externally by
state repression and by nonsupport and internally by invalid clergy. She
noted that the two Buddhist superiors, Venerable Long Chhim and
Venerable Tep Vong, were both believed to be from Vietnam. Venerable Tep
Vong was concurrently the superior of the Buddhist clergy, vice
president of the PRK's Khmer National Assembly, and vice president of
the KUFNCD National Council. She quoted a refugee from Batdambang as
having said, "During the meetings, the Khmer administrative authorities,
accompanied by the Vietnamese experts, tell you, `Religion is like
poison, it's like opium; it's better to give the money to the military,
so they can fight'."
[37]
Buddhism is still strong among the various Cambodian refugee groups
throughout the world, although some younger monks, faced with the
distractions of a foreign culture, have chosen to leave the clergy and
have become laicized. In the United States in 1984, there were twelve
Cambodian wats with about twenty-one monks. In the 1980s, a Cambodian
Buddhist wat was constructed near Washington, D.C., financed by a
massive outpouring of donations from Cambodian Buddhists throughout
North America. This wat is one of the few outside Southeast Asia that
has the consecrated boundary within which ordinations may be performed.
[37]
Most of the major Cambodian annual festivals are connected with Buddhist observances. The
chol chnam (New Year Festival) takes place in mid-April; it was one of the few festivals allowed under the Khmer Rouge regime.
Pchum Ben, celebrated in September or in October, is a memorial day for deceased ancestors and for close friends.
Meak bochea, in January or February, commemorates the last sermon of the Buddha.
Vissakh bochea, in April or in May, is the triple anniversary of the birth, death, and enlightenment of the Buddha. The
chol vossa
takes place in June or in July; it marks the beginning of a penitential
season during which the monks must remain within the temple compounds.
The
kathen
marks the end of this season; celebrated in September, it features
offerings, especially of robes, to the monks. The kathen was still
celebrated in the PRK in the late 1980s.
[37]
Cambodian Buddhism exists side-by-side with, and to some extent intermingles with, pre-Buddhist
animism
and Brahman practices. Most Cambodians, whether or not they profess to
be Buddhists (or Muslims), believe in a rich supernatural world. When
ill, or at other times of crisis, or to seek supernatural help,
Cambodians may enlist the aid of a practitioner who is believed to be
able to propitiate or obtain help from various spirits. Local spirits
are believed to inhabit a variety of objects, and shrines to them may be
found in houses, in Buddhist temples, along roads, and in forests.
[37]
Several types of supernatural entities are believed to exist; they
make themselves known by means of inexplicable sounds or happenings.
Among these phenomena are
khmaoc (ghosts),
pret and
besach (particularly nasty demons, the spirits of people who have died violent, untimely, or unnatural deaths),
arak (evil spirits, usually female),
neak ta (tutelary spirits residing in inanimate objects),
mneang phteah (guardians of the house),
meba (ancestral spirits), and
mrenh kongveal (elf-like guardians of animals). All spirits must be shown proper respect, and, with the exception of the
mneang phteah and
mrenh kongveal,
they can cause trouble ranging from mischief to serious
life-threatening illnesses. An important way for living people to show
respect for the spirits of the dead is to provide food for the spirits.
If this food is not provided, the spirit can cause trouble for the
offending person. For example, if a child does not provide food for the
spirit of its dead mother, that spirit can cause misfortunes to happen
to the child.
[37]
Aid in dealing with the spirit world may be obtained from a kru
(shaman or spirit practitioner), an achar (ritualist), thmup (witch,
sorcerer or sorceress), or a rup arak (medium, usually male). The kru is
a kind of sorcerer who prepares charms and amulets to protect the
wearer from harm. He can cure illnesses, find lost objects, and prepare
magic potions. Traditionally, Cambodians have held strong beliefs about
protective charms. Amulets are worn routinely by soldiers to ward off
bullets, for example. The kru are believed to have the power to prepare
an amulet and to establish a supernatural link between it and the owner.
A kru may acquire considerable local prestige and power. Many kru are
former Buddhist monks.
[37]
Another kind of magical practitioner is the achar, a specialist in
ritual. He may function as a kind of master of ceremonies at a wat and
as a specialist in conducting spirit worship rituals connected with
life-cycle ceremonies. Rup arak are mediums who can be possessed by
supernatural beings and communicate with the spirit world. The thmup are
sorcerers who cause illnesses.
[37]
Fortunetellers and
astrologers—haor
teay—are important in Cambodian life. They are consulted about
important decisions such as marriages, building a new house, or going on
a long journey. They are believed to be able to foretell future events
and to determine lucky or unlucky days for various activities.
[37]
Villagers are sensitive to the power and to the needs of the spirit
world. According to observations by an American missionary in the early
1970s, villagers consulted the local guardian spirit to find out what
the coming year would bring, a new province chief held a ceremony to ask
the protection of the spirits over the province, and soldiers obtained
magic cloths and amulets from mediums and shamans to protect them from
the bullets of the enemy. Before embarking on a mission against enemy
forces, a province chief might burn incense and call on a spirit for aid
in defeating the enemy. Examples of Brahman influences were various
rituals concerned with the well-being of the nation carried out by the
ruler and the baku (a Brahman priestly group attached to the royal
court). These rituals were reportedly stopped after Sihanouk's ouster in
1970 (see The March 1970 Coup d'État, ch. 1).
[37]
